The legacy of Egypt in early Christian thought according to the epitaph of Alcuin of York more

MARTIN BOMMAS Estratto dal volume: PERCEPTA REPENDERE DONA STUDI DI FILOLOGIA PER ANNA MARIA LUISELLI FADDA a cura di CORRADO BOLOGNA MOCAN e PAOLO VACIAGO THE LEGACY OF EGYPT IN EARLY CHRISTIAN THOUGHT ACCORDING TO THE EPITAPH OF ALCUIN OF YORK MIRA FIRENZE L E O S. O L S C H K I E D I T O R E MMX MARTIN BOMMAS THE LEGACY OF EGYPT IN EARLY CHRISTIAN THOUGHT ACCORDING TO THE EPITAPH OF ALCUIN OF YORK* The reception of ancient Egypt is a widely discussed field and can be divided into two main sections. Especially during the last ten years egyptomania was focussed on by scholars who studied the modern view on ancient Egypt and its perception in every-day life.1 This research starts with the early European traveller’s interest in ancient Egypt 2 and ends in Renaissance times with Athanasius Kircher and Bishop William Warburton.3 The second area deals with the impact of ancient Egypt mainly on art, architecture and furniture after 1823, when hieroglyphs were first deciphered by Jean Francois Champollion. ¸ At first sight, Carolingian literature might seem to be the wrong place for Egyptologists to look for references to echoes of ancient Egyptian thought. The reason for that might be further amplified by the fact that Egyptian culture was always understood to be unique, and in particular its strange and unusual animal-headed deities always produced a welcome platform for mockery, especially by the Greeks and Romans.4 The Patristic * I am particularly thankful to Nicola J. Adderley, University of Birmingham for correcting my English and to Dr David Ganz, King’s College, University of London for his valuable comments on the first draft of this article. ´ 1 J.M. HUMBERT, Egyptomania: l’Egypte dans l’art occidental 1730-1930, Musee du Louvre, ´ 20 janvier-18 avril 1994, Paris, 1994. 2 For a complete list see M.R. KALFATOVIC , Nile notes of a Howadji; a bibliography of traveler’s tales from Egypt, from earliest times to 1918, Metuchen, NJ 1992. 3 A. GRIMM , Antiquarische Studien und Hieroglyphenkunde der Renaissance und des Barock: ¨ ¨ Europaische Agyptenimaginationen vor Joachim Winckelmann, in Winckelmann und Agypten. Die ¨ Wiederentdeckung der agyptischen Kunst im 18. Jahrhundert, ed. by A. Grimm, S. Schoske, ¨ Munchen, 2005, pp. 83-95. On William Warburton see J.D. WORTHAM, British Egyptology ¨ ¨ 1549-1906, Oklahoma, 1971, p. 42; J. ASSMANN, Moses der Agypter, Munchen, 1998, pp. 133-172. ¨ 4 F. FEDER, Der agyptische Tierkult nach den griechischen und romischen Autoren, in Tierkulte ¨ ¨ ¨ im pharaonischen Agypten, Beitrage zum Workshop am 07. und 08. Juni 2002, Internet-Beitrage zur ¨ ¨ ¨ Agyptologie und Sudanarchaologie, ed. by M. Fitzenreiter, «IBAES», IV, 2002, pp. 159-165. ¨ — 69 — MARTIN BOMMAS literature is particularly rich in such mockery 5 and rabbinic literature is no exception to that rule.6 As a matter of fact, the reception of ancient Egypt before the Renaissance is hardly studied, maybe because of a perceived lack of suitable sources. While the reception of antique authors and philosophers especially in scriptoria of medieval monasteries is a widely discussed phenomenon,7 there are neither copies of ancient Egyptian papyri among the medieval manuscripts, nor are direct references to Egyptian wisdom attested. Only a few timid attempts have been made so far to trace an ancient Egyptian tradition in the wisdom literature of early medieval Europe, all of which – as far as I can see – were carried out by Egyptologists.8 The interest in ancient Egyptian belief in early European wisdom literature shows only a restrained growth, although its impact on European thinking, especially in ‘Carolingian times’ can hardly be denied. The last paragraph of this article will be devoted to that field, in an effort to prepare the field for further discussion. One of the most important contemporary texts which was often copied, as it was considered to be highly influential on Carolingian literate design, is the well-known Carmen 123, composed by Alcuin of York and left as his own epitaph in his tomb in St. Martin’s church in Tours. Alcuin (732-19.5.804) is widely regarded as the inspirer of the Carolingian Renaissance 9 and his life is among the most richly documented of any intellectual of the 8th century.10 Educated in his native York 11 and elected master of the cathedral school in 766, he became Charlemagne’s adviser in religious 5 M. WALLRAFF , Viele Metaphern - viele Gotter? Beobachtungen zum Monotheismus der Spa¨ ¨ tantike, in Metaphorik und Christologie, ed. by J. Frey, J. Rohls and R. Zimmermann («Theologische Bibliothek Topelmann», 120), Berlin, 2003, pp. 151-166; M. BOMMAS, Heiligtum und Mys¨ terium. Griechenland und seine agyptischen Gottheiten, Mainz, 2005, pp. 131-132. ¨ 6 G. BOHAK , Rabbinic Perspectives on Egyptian Religion, «Archiv fur Religionsgeschichte», ¨ II/2, 2000, pp. 215-231. 7 See e.g. L.D. REYNOLDS – N.G. WILSON, Scribes and Scholars. A Guide to the Transmission of Greek and Latin Literature, London-New York, 1968. 8 H. BRUNNER, Ptahhotep bei den koptischen Monchen, «Zeitschrift fur agyptische Sprache ¨ ¨ ¨ und Altertumskunde», LXXXVI, 1961, pp. 145-147; J.G. GRIFFITHS, The impress of Egyptian religion on the Mediaeval «Dialogue of the Soul and Body», in Gegengabe. Festschrift fur E. Brun¨ ner-Traut, ed. by I. Gamer-Wallert e W. Helck, Tubingen, 1992, pp. 103-118 (mainly based on ¨ L. DUDLEY, The Egyptian Elements in the Legend Of Body and Soul, Baltimore, 1911). For the acceptance of Egyptian saints with theophorus names in early Christianity and the Orthodox church see M. BOMMAS, Onophris und Paisis in der Ostkirche, in Menschenbilder-Bildermenschen. Festschrift E. Feucht, ed. by T. Hofmann, A. Sturm, Norderstedt, 2003, pp. 15-36. 9 The Oxford Dictionary of the Christian Church, London-New York-Toronto, 1952, p. 31. 10 P. GODMAN , Alcuin. The Bishops, Kings, and Saints of York, Oxford, 1982, p. XXXV . 11 S. ALLOTT, Alcuin of York. His Life and Letters, York, William Sessions Limited, 1974 (rist. 1987), pp. 1-13. — 70 — THE LEGACY OF EGYPT IN EARLY CHRISTIAN THOUGHT and educative matters in 781,12 after having met him earlier in 781. He became Abbott in Tours in 796, where he set up an important school and library and eventually died 8 years later. The epitaph under discussion was engraved on a bronze plaque, which soon got lost. The text itself, however, was handed down on several manuscripts, such as on two copies from the 9th century kept in St. Gallen today (nos. 146 and 272).13 As earlier scholars already argued, Alcuin’s view stands closer to pagan than to basic Christian ideas. The remaining question is still: are these concepts mentioned by Alcuin of Roman origin or do they derive from somewhere else? In order to solve this problem, this article discusses the Egyptian background for the first time, in order to present evidence for an alternative Sitz im Leben of the inscription Alcuin conceptualised as his epitaph. Professor Anna Maria Luiselli Fadda is the scholar whom we are delighted to honour with this well deserved Festschrift. As one of her special interests is the Christianisation of the Anglo-Saxons on one hand, and Eastern Mediterranean religious belief on the other, I dedicate this contribution to her with my fondest memories of our occasional discussions on the subject of the Christian reception of ancient Egypt. 1. APPEALS TO THE LIVING Alcuin’s epitaph 14 as given here follows the still valid translation of Luitpold Wallach.15 The comment on related Egyptian funerary texts will be set between the lines, where relevant: 1 Here, I beg thee, pause for while traveller, 2 And ponder my words in thy heart, 3 That thou mayest understand thy fate in my shadow. This passage makes it clear that Alcuin understood Carmen 123 as a poem which addresses the visitors to his tomb, thus transforming the bronze plaque with the inscription to a speaking object. Although not ALLOTT, Alcuin of York cit., pp. 83-107. For a photograph of ms. 272, pages 52/53 see Karl der Grosse und seine Gelehrten. Zum 1200. Todesjahr Alkuins ({ 804), Katalog zur Ausstellung in der Stiftsbibliothek St. Gallen (22. Dezember 2003-14. November 2004), ed. by E. Tremp et alii, St. Gallen, 2004, p. 85. 14 For the inscription see E. DU MMLER, Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Poetae I (http:// ¨ www.dmgh.de), pp. 350-351 with parallels to his verse. I thank Dr David Ganz, London for pointing me to this internet source. 15 L. WALLACH , Alcuin and Charlemagne. Studies in Carolongian History and Literature («Cornell Studies in Classical Philology», 23), Ithaca, 1959, pp. 264f. For a recent German translation see T. FLURY, in TREMP, Karl der Grosse cit., pp. 84ff. 12 13 — 71 — MARTIN BOMMAS yet fully studied throughout antiquity, speaking objects are common in Greece and Rome.16 Speaking objects in a funerary context are generally characterised by an address requesting the passer-by to weep for the deceased, to commemorate him and to say a prayer. The inscriptions written on stelae (Rome) or on statues and vases (Greece) either speak in the first person singular or address their audience impersonally, thus forming a durable and performative speech act 17 as part of the funerary communication. In ancient Egypt comparable inscriptions which function as epitaphs (evpitavfio" literally: on the gravestone in ancient Greek) are usually engraved on stelae and statues,18 where they seek to grasp the attention of those who visit the tombs of their relatives without attracting unwanted attestation to a tomb of an otherwise unknown deceased. These texts, which reflect the deceased’s perspective, are named, after their intention, Appeals to the Living. They already are frequently attested during the Old Kingdom.19 A still unpublished stela in Florence has all the key features of these inscriptions,20 which are paralleled by many more: Oh you, who are living on earth, every scribe, every lector-priest, every magistrate, who will pass by this noble (tomb), while you love, that Osiris, the Lord of Life and Ruler of Eternity will be favourable to you. May you say: ‘Thousands of bread and beer, Thousands of oxen and fowl, Thousands of offerings and provisions on the altar of the Lord of Eternity for the ka 21 of the Keeper of the Bows Nefer-en-ij’, 16 M. CAROLL, Spirits of the Dead. Roman Funerary Commemoration in Western Europe («Oxford Studies in Ancient Documents»), Oxford, 2006. More general, but still useful is R. LATTIMORE, Themes in Greek and Latin Epitaphs, Urbana, 1942. 17 J. AUSTIN, How to do things with words, Oxford, 1976. 18 J.S.F. GARNOT, Appel au vivants dans les texts funeraires egyptiens des origins a la fin ´ ´ ` del’Ancien Empire, Cairo, 1938; M. LICHTHEIM, Maat in Egyptian Autobiographies and Related Studies, «Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis», CXX, 1992, pp. 155-190. Intermediary statues placed in temple forecourts since the New Kingdom (1539-1069 BC) and especially during the 3rd Intermediate Period (LICHTHEIM, Maat cit., p. 180) to attract visitors in order to receive an offering are omitted here. 19 LICHTHEIM, Maat cit., p. 156. ¨ 20 St. Florence 1540. I follow the copy of K. SETHE, Agyptische Lesestucke zum Gebrauch im ¨ akademischen Unterricht, Darmstadt, 1983, 88.12-18. For a recent photograph of this stela see M. BOMMAS, Mechanics of social connections between the Living and the Dead in ancient Egypt, in M. CARROLL – J. REMPLE, Living throught the Dead: Burial and Commemoration in the Classical World («Studies in Funerary Archaeology»), Oxford, 2009, in press. 21 A personal constituent. — 72 — THE LEGACY OF EGYPT IN EARLY CHRISTIAN THOUGHT because it is more effective for the one who does, than for the one for whom something is done: A breath for a spell, which is effective for a deceased is not something one becomes tired of. I am a deceased who can listen to someone, one who repays the good which is done for him. An unpublished stela originally kept in Stuttgart 22 has an Appeal to the Living which recalls the third verse of Alcuin’s epitaph: [...] who will pass by this noble tomb, I have made as an umbrella for my ba 23 And a resting place for my shadow.24 One is inclined to suggest that Alcuin’s idea of the shadow reflects the idea of the tomb as a shady resting place in ancient Egyptian so-called Appeals to the Living, even more so as these speech acts never went out of fashion. Examples appear frequently during the Egyptian Late Period,25 in Coptic Egypt,26 in Greece,27 in Roman Byzance 28 and in modern Islamic tomb inscriptions.29 Interestingly enough, L. Wallach points out that the motif of the dead speaking out of his grave to the living also appears in a homily of Ambrosius Autpertus 30 and is therefore not an invention that can be ascribed to Alcuin only. ¨ I follow the copy of SETHE, Agyptische Lesestucke cit., 88.19-20. ¨ One of 14 personal constituents, which the Greeks associated with psyche. Having the shape and bodily functions of a bird, the ba is mainly responsible for supplying food to the buried corpse and visits the living, thus acting as an intermediary between both worlds. 24 A personal constituent. 25 For a recent study see O. PERDU, Un monument d’originalite, «Journal of Egyptian Ar´ chaeology», LXXXIV, 1998, pp. 113-149. 26 H. BEHLMER, Ancient Egyptian Survivals in Coptic Literature: An Overview, in Ancient Egyptian Literature. History and Forms, ed. by A. Loprieno, Leiden-New York-Koln, 1996, ¨ p. 574. 27 J.S. BRUSS , Hidden Presences: Monuments, Gravesites and Corpses in Greek Funerary Epigrams, Leuven, 2005 («Hellenistica Groningana», 10). 28 M. KRAUSE , Das Weiterleben agyptischer Vorstellungen und Brauche im koptischen Toten¨ ¨ ¨ wesen, in Das romisch-byzantinische Agypten, Akten des internationalen Symposiums 26.-30. Sep¨ tember 1978 in Trier, Mainz, 1983, pp. 88 and 91. 29 N. EL-SHOHOUMI , «Stay a while at my grave»: two modern Islamic tomb-inscriptions and the ancient Egyptian «Appeals to the Living», in Timelines. Festschrift M. Bietak, ed. by E. Czerny, «Orientalia Lovaniensia», CXLIX/3, 2006, pp. 347-360. 30 WALLACH , Alcuin and Charlemagne cit., p. 260. 22 23 — 73 — MARTIN BOMMAS 2. DEATH COMES AT THE END 4 The form of thy body will be changed as was mine. 5 What thout art now, famous in the world, I have been, traveller 6 And what I now am, thou wilt be in the future. Alcuin’s warning about the transitoriness of the human body amplifies the distance between the young and living passer-by and the deceased. In ancient Egypt this literary motif is a constituent of Harper’s Songs performed during festive occasions such as funerary banquets to remind hosts and guests of the transience of life and the enduring pleasures of the afterlife. The most eloquent examples derive from the Theban tomb of Neferhotep (TT 50, c. 1300 BC): 31 [...] No one may linger in the land of Egypt, There is none who does not arrive in it (i.e. the afterlife). As to the time of deed on earth, it is the occurrence of a dream. One says: «Welcome safe and sound!», to him who reaches the West. In the so-called Song of Antef, the earliest record of a Harper’s Song, the refrain leaves no doubt about the fact that all humans are earthly beings. This comes close to Alcuin’s memento mori of verses 4-6: [...] Have a nice day. Don’t weary of it. Lo, none is allowed to take his goods with him, Lo, none who depart come back again.32 3. SUPERIORITY OF SOUL OVER BODY 7 I was wont to seek the joys of the world in vain desire: 8 Now I am ashes and dust, and food for worms. 9 Remember therefore to take better care of thy soul 10 Than of thy body, because that survives, and this perishes. 31 32 After M. LICHTHEIM, Ancient Egyptian Literature II, Berkeley, 1976, p. 116. After ID., Ancient Egyptian Literature I, Berkeley, 1973, p. 197. — 74 — THE LEGACY OF EGYPT IN EARLY CHRISTIAN THOUGHT The idea of the soul being superior to the body as it was already the case in Greek and Roman thought 33 is uncommon in ancient Egypt. During the rituals in front of the uplifted mummy (the so-called Ritual of Opening the Mouth), which usually took place in the forecourts of the tombs, the deceased’s personal constituents were replaced. Thus, the mummified body is the place to which the ba returns. While death means a disconnection 34 from the personal constituents, the ritual provides the possibility to reuse all parts of the body and aspects of a person in the afterlife: [...] His ba-spirit to his body, to his heart; May his ba-spirit embrace his body and his heart; [...] To his corpse, to his shade, to his mummy; He shall never perish before the lord of the sacred land (i.e. the necropolis).35 On the other hand, the motif of taking care of one’s soul is expressed in the Dispute of a Man with his Ba, where eventually the ba is guiding the body through the netherworld: [...] But when it is wished that you attain the West (i.e. the netherworld), that your body joins the earth, I shall alight after you have become weary, and then we shall dwell together.36 4. WORTHLESS 11 12 13 14 15 16 MATERIAL POSESSIONS Why dost thou look for possessions? Thou see’st in what little cavern This tomb holds me: Thine will be equally small. Why should you be eager to deck in Tyrian purple thy body Which soon in the dust the hungry worm will devour? As flowers perish when comes the menacing wind, So also thy flesh and all thy glory perish. LATTIMORE, Themes in Greek and Latin Epitaphs cit., p. 23. Early Christian belief took life as the partnership of body and soul and death as their separation, a dualistic conception, which cannot be traced in Egyptian sources due to its rather simplistic and excluding approach. 35 Cited after S. QUIRKE, Ancient Egyptian Religion, London, 1992, p. 105. 36 After LICHTHEIM, Ancient Egyptian Literature I cit., p. 169. 33 34 — 75 — MARTIN BOMMAS The negative view of the tomb as an unfriendly small and dark place might not be expected from Egyptian thought, which generally views the hereafter as a shiny, rich and desirable world. However, there are texts which do not paint a picture too positive and which portray the tomb as a place of darkness and deprivation, such as the most widespread glorification text in ancient Egypt, which makes its first appearance around 1550 BC: May you watch the light you have seen in your house of darkness [...] your house of thirst.37 Similarily the Book of the Dead, ch. 175 describes the hereafter in Osiris’ own words as «deep, dark, and unsearchable».38 A common topic in funerary texts therefore is the freedom to move, which especially addresses the ba’s wish to explore this world while in the other world.39 5. ADDRESSING THE VISITOR 17 Give me, I beg thee, O reader, a return for this poem 18 And pray: «Grant, O Christ forgiveness to thy servant». This passage is very evocative of the Appeal to the Living (§ 1), in which the deceased asks for a breath of spell. This expression is a metaphor for a prayer in the form of an offering spell. Every Appeal to the Living contains an offering spell, because the deceased is thought to live on offerings, which are granted to him by relatives. In order not to die a ‘second death’, the deceased is desperately in need of continuing offerings, even after his family might not be capable of carrying out the offering cult any longer. Here, visitors take over supplying the deceased with provisions, libations and prayers. An appeal in a tomb at Saqqara therefore states: [...] you shall give me bread of what you own. If you own nothing, then say with your mouth [...].40 37 After J. ASSMANN (together with M. BOMMAS – A. KUCHAREK ), Totenliturgien und Totenspruche in Grabinschriften des Neuen Reiches, Altagyptische Totenliturgien II, Heidelberg, 2005, ¨ ¨ p. 148. 38 R.O. FAULKNER, The Ancient Egyptian Book of the Dead, London, 1990, p. 175. 39 ASSMANN, Totenliturgien II cit., p. 263. 40 LICHTHEIM, Maat cit., p. 158. — 76 — THE LEGACY OF EGYPT IN EARLY CHRISTIAN THOUGHT A long appeal in a tomb of a certain Ibi, nomarch of Siut describes the expected future vistors in detail: Oh living ones, o earth-borne ones, the born and to be born, who will fare north and south, who will come in the following of Wepwawet, Siut’s lord, who will do a march-past on this ground, will enter this tomb, will see what is in it.41 This text clearly points out that tombs were understood as being attractive destinations for Sunday-trippers already in ancient Egypt. On the other hand the expected visitors were those who took part in the processions of the local god. The overground structures stood open to the public, while the tomb-shafts, which contained the coffin and tomb-offerings, were notoriously hidden. 6. CURSES AGAINST EVILDOERS The dangers of touching the deceased’s tomb before the General Judgement, which is held to be the occasion of god’s final verdict on both the soul and body of each individual, are addressed in the following verses: 19 20 21 22 23 24 I implore thee, let no hand profane the holy rights on this tomb, Until the angelic trumpet announces from Heaven high: «Thou who liest in the tomb, rise from the dust of the earth, The Mighty Judge appears to countless thousands». My name was Alchuine, and wisdom was always dear to me. Pour out prayers for me when thou quietly readest this inscription. Curse and blessing formulae are often closely related with each other. Both appear in a context of communication, which is permanently renewed with every visitor reading the formulae. Both protect a tomb by both negative and positive means. Moreover, the protection of a tomb (or statue) is not dependent on visitors only, who read the formulae. These inscriptions are always self-reflecting as well, and therefore performative: they perform a certain action constantly because of their pure existence in writ41 LICHTHEIM, Maat cit., p. 161. — 77 — MARTIN BOMMAS ten form, thus writing or saying the right thing is equivalent to doing the right thing. When in compliance with divine order, a written act becomes a speech-act. As for Alcuin’s epitaph, verse 19 contains a stipulation (or protasis), while the injunction (or apodosis, verse 21-22) is held in the form of a prayer, sung by angels and announced from heaven. Alcuin’s protasis, however, is more of an appeal than a real curse. It only implies that an unlegitimised person could potentially harm the tomb. Ancient Egyptian texts implemented for tomb-protection were much less unclear against wrong-doers, which is shown by an example of this genre from the city of Siut (c. 2000 BC): As for any chief, any notable, any official, any commoner, who shall not protect this chamber and what is in it: His god shall not accept his white-bread offering. He shall not be buried in the West. Their limbs shall be to the conflagration with the damned, who are made non-existent ones.42 On the other hand, those who appear as benefactors to a monument are rewarded with a blessing for good health, as stated in a text from Hatnub.43 In contrast to Alcuin’s view, the raising of someone’s hand goes along with reading a monumental inscription: Moreover, as for any traveller who shall raise his hand to this inscription: He shall reach his home in health when he has come to it on his own accord.44 7. EGYPTIAN EUROPE WISDOM AND THE SHAPING OF EARLY CHRISTIAN RELIGION IN The Life of St. Anthony, attributed to Athanasius (shortly before 370) is the first attestation of an individual who embarked on the life of a hermit. It seems to be clear that St. Anthony was not the first to follow the idea of living a life in the name of god in an already established ascetic tradition. However, significant numbers of his pupils seemed to continue his example. «From that time», says Athanasius, «there were monasteries in the S. MORSCHAUSER, Threat-Formulae in Ancient Egypt, Baltimore, 1991, p. 160. A negative example reads: «Moreover, as for him who shall destroy this inscription: He shall not reach his home. He shall not embrace his children. He shall not see success» (ibid., p. 169), thus making it clear that these inscriptions are to be read by travellers. 44 Ibid., p. 168. 42 43 — 78 — THE LEGACY OF EGYPT IN EARLY CHRISTIAN THOUGHT mountains and the desert was peopled with monks».45 It is widely accepted that reflections of ancient Egyptian belief and wisdom were still vivid when early monasticism became one of the major characteristics of Coptic Egypt. Even in the late 4th century and after toleration and imperial favour were given to the Christian faith by Constantine the Great,46 ancient Egyptian thinking was slow to die and can be traced back in various literary sources, such as the Story of Joseph the Carpenter.47 Siegfried Morenz was able to distinguish three motifs which never seemed to disappear from the scene: the myth of Osiris, protection of the body and funerary belief.48 These three aspects can be roughly described as myth, ritual and belief and it is plain to see that they form key elements of ancient Egyptian religious thought. The aspect which interests us most is the ritualistic aspect of preserving the deceased’s corpse. Although the Ritual of Mummification is not yet fully understood in all its ritualistic scenes and phases, it is apparent that non-Egyptian cultures until today seem to be most fascinated by the Egyptian custom to prepare a dead person for eternal life by preserving his body. The profound religiosity of pharaonic Egypt by no means stopped with Constantine, but appears to have thoroughly permeated the cultures that were its direct heirs.49 This is neither a contradiction, nor does it diminish the legacy of Coptic Egypt: Isaiah promised «The Lord shall be known to Egypt, and the Egyptians shall know the Lord in that day (i.e. when that day comes)» (Is. 19:21) and Moses «was learned in all the wisdom of the Egyptians» (Acts 7:22).50 Since in Egypt every ritual consists of a manual to be carried out and a recital to be spoken, Egyptian wisdom as seemingly owned by Moses 51 combines both aspects. Although hardly enough monasteries and eremitages have been excavated to obtain a sound image of monasticism in Egypt during the 4th century,52 reAfter C.H. LAWRENCE, Medieval Monasticism, Harlow, 2001, p. 5. A. CAMERON, Constantine and Christianity, in Constantine the Great: York’s Roman Emperor, museum catalogue, ed. by E. Hartley et alii, York, 2006, pp. 96-103. 47 S. MORENZ , Die Geschichte von Joseph dem Zimmermann, Berlin, 1951, pp. 123-127. 48 Ibid., pp. 124-125. ¨ 49 E. HORNUNG, Das esoterische Agypten, Munchen, 1999, pp. 17-25. ¨ 50 Both translations follow the King James Version of the Bible. 51 R. SMEND, Moses als geschichtliche Gestalt, «Historische Zeitschrift», CCLX, 1995, pp. 119 clearly states, however, that Moses can not be taken as a historic figure but rather as the focus of a reception which is based on subtractions of hard facts. ¨ 52 H. BUSCHHAUSEN , Das Monchswesen in Abu Fano, in Agypten. Schatze aus dem Wusten¨ ¨ ¨ sand. Kunst und Kultur der Christen am Nil, ed. by A. Effenberger et alii, Wiesbaden, 1996, pp. 59-69. 45 46 — 79 — MARTIN BOMMAS collections of pharaonic Egypt in Coptic art and literature 53 are nevertheless evident. The monastic movement spread from Egypt across the eastern provinces of the Roman Empire and arrived in Europe as early as in the 4th century.54 As C.H. Lawrence points out, there are various channels, through which this development happened to take place: the dissemination of literature about the desert monks, the migration of refugee bishops and ascetics to the West and accounts brought back by pilgrims and pious sightseers. By far the most important influence, however, were works such as The Life of St. Anthony, which was written to encourage brethren outside Egypt. Translations into Latin appeared soon and by the year 374 a new and improved translation of the work was spread around Christian circles at Rome, Milan and Trier.55 In addition, collections of Maxims and Sayings of the Fathers (Apophthegmata Patrum) circulated in Greek and Coptic Christian communities during the 4th and 5th centuries and were later translated into Latin, too. At the same time, Eastern monastic practices were transferred to the West by monks such as Hilary of Poitiers (c. 315-367), who deeply influenced Martin of Tours, the first entrepreneur of monasticism in Gaul. The monastic traditions of the desert fathers, however, were still of major interest to aspirants from the West, who went on pilgrimage to Syria and Egypt, thus introducing themselves to the experience of Coptic monasticism. Through all that it becomes clear that Egyptian wisdom found its way to western Christianity and along with it distant reflections of Egypt’s pharaonic past. Alcuin evidently knew at least some of the ancient works by heart. In a letter to «the most virtuous, excellent and honourable King David» he states that as a teacher at St. Martin’s (at Tours) he was «busy carrying out your wishes and instructions [...], giving some the honey of the holy scriptures, making others drunk on the old wine of ancient learning [...]».56 The school of York was with no doubt one of the leading centres 53 MORENZ , Geschichte cit. Coptic, however, inherited none of the literary forms of pharaonic Egypt as its tradition is solely a spoken one, see C. CANNUYER, Coptic Egypt, New York, 2000, p. 122. 54 LAWRENCE , Medieval Monasticism cit., p. 10. 55 Ibid., p. 11. 56 ALLOTT, Alcuin of York cit., p. 12. — 80 — THE LEGACY OF EGYPT IN EARLY CHRISTIAN THOUGHT for learning, including a library described as «a wondrous treasure». Alcuin, in his verse history of the church and saints of York, recalled works in Greek and Hebrew alongside Latin grammarians such as Cicero and Virgil.57 Although the Latin tradition strongly influenced him,58 there is no proof that these works were held by Alcuin in high esteem. Sigulf, one of Alcuin’s favourite pupils, who later became assistant teacher in Tours, emphasises that he read Virgil with his own pupils in secret, as Alcuin would not approve its study,59 although Latin grammar was his main expertise.60 Even less can be said, however, of any close linkage of Alcuin with ancient Egyptian wisdom; his Versus de [...] Sanctis Euboricensis Ecclesiae do not give any proof of influence by Egyptian sources. And his ironic reference to the ‘Egyptian boys’ at Charlemagne’s court in his letters 149 61 and 145 does neither relate to boys (pueri) nor to Egyptians (aegyptiaci) but to – in Alcuin’s view – inexperienced consultants, who followed the Alexandrian 19-year cycle 62 when constructing a Christian calendar, or what later medieval writers called computus. 8. EGYPT CAROLINGIAN WITHIN THE CULTURAL MEMORY OF THE PERIOD Although Egyptian wisdom literature apparently did not form any visible part in Carolingian Literature, there can be no doubt that the monastic traditions of Coptic Egypt played a key-role in the early European Christian mind before St. Benedict of Nursia, who first provided the standard pattern of monastic observance and established the monastic rule. Before that, monastic communities were isolated, widely regarded as a fringe phenomenon without acceptance either by the secular world or the ecclesiastical hierarchy. Wherever groups of whatever origin congregate – be it social groups (families) or cultural groups – they share cultural memory insofar as they see themselves as part of a collective background. Generally speaking, culG. HINDLEY, A Brief History of the Anglo-Saxons, London, 2006, p. 152. GODMAN, Alcuin cit., p. LXXIII. 59 HINDLEY , Anglo-Saxons cit., p. 152. 60 Ibid., p. 165. 61 I thank Dr David Ganz for this hint. 62 K. SPRINGSFELD , Karl der Grosse, Alkuin und die Zeitrechnung, «Berichte zur Wissenschaftsgeschichte», XXVII, 2004, pp. 61 and 63. On the Alexandrian lunar cycle see F. WALLIS, Bede: The Reckoning of Time («Translated Texts for Historians», 29), Liverpool, 1999, p. XLIX. 57 58 8 — 81 — MARTIN BOMMAS tural memory gathers things like narratives, values, martyrs, leaders and heroes into an account that helps to elucidate the root of a group. The way a group of people share history and cultural identification creates ways of perceiving themselves. Early monks can be described as such a group of people, who in their freely chosen isolation from ecclesiastical and secular powers developed a shared cultural notion, which inevitably led to a common memory. If we understand this memory as cultural, we must ask ourselves on what tradition this culture is based and on which transformations it leant, which might have shaped early monasticism. That the Carolingian religious culture was formed within monasteries rather than the church is made clear by the attitude of secular rulers, to promote monasticism as a focus of crossing piety and policy. Thus, King Carloman, when granting fiscal immunity to the monks of Granfelden, stated «that thereby we may merit pardon from the eternal giver of rewards, and that it may please them to pray perpetually for the stability of our kingdom and in every way to give faithful assistance to our governance».63 This declaration, however, seems to be a canonical formula, used by his brother Charlemagne in a privilege given to the abbey of Lorsch in 772. Praying for the prosperity and wealth of a state was one of the main duties of priests already in antiquity, on which the so-called Famine stela on the Island of Sehel (Egypt) sheds some light: Priests of the temple of Khnum during the reigns of Ptolemaic kings (c. 200 BC) designed a backdated inscription on a rock to convince the political rulers of their ability to overcome even a stately catastrophe such as a seven-year famine.64 The idea that priests are responsible for the wealth and continuity of a state first emerged in ancient Egypt with pharaoh as its high priest.65 Coptic monks, however, turned their backs on this concept, searching for God in the isolation of the Egyptian desert. But when the Coptic concept of monasticism met with the political ruler’s blessing and support during the Carolingian Empire for the first time, Egyptian and Coptic tradition became the centre of interest of western rulers 66 and amalgamated After LAWRENCE, Medieval Monasticism cit., p. 66. For a translation see M. LICHTHEIM, Ancient Egyptian Literature III, Berkeley, 1980, pp. 95-103. 65 J. ASSMANN , Der Konig als Sonnenpriester, Gluckstadt, 1970, p. 67. ¨ ¨ 66 A striking example is the instruction to his children by the Russian Grand Prince Vladmir Monomakh (1053-1125, see P.S. LICHATSCHEW, Die russische Literatur vom 11. Jahrhundert bis zum Beginn des 12. Jahrhunderts, in Russland. Seele, Kultur, Geschichte, ed. by P.S. Lichatschew et alii, Augsburg, 1996, pp. 35-37), which in some parts shows remarkable parallels with ancient Egyptian instructions, such as the Teaching of Ptahhotep. 63 64 — 82 — THE LEGACY OF EGYPT IN EARLY CHRISTIAN THOUGHT with stately affairs. There can be not doubt that the package which included Egyptian tradition contained pharaonic concepts as well, as shown above (§§ 1-6). It is still a matter of debate how Egyptian wisdom might have reached Britain in the 6th century. But as it is accepted that organised monasticism might have spread to Britain via Ireland 67 after it had been imported from the eastern Mediterranean,68 then we must assume at least that the inspiration for the ascetical colonies ultimately came from Coptic Egypt,69 no matter how obscure the actual routes still might be.70 However, the extent of this echo remains unclear as any direct links, if existing, were left unspoken for obvious reasons.71 Official texts do but rarely reflect any traces of an ancient Egyptian tradition of wisdom. Therefore, attention must be drawn to private monuments, which reveal traces of Egyptian belief which must have formed a substantial part of the cultural memory of early medieval Europe. This not only includes the persistance of life of Egyptian gods such as Osiris, Isis,72 Renenutet 73 and many more within Christian belief, but glimpses of ancient Egyptian funerary belief as possibly reflected in the epitaph of Alcuin of York. In addition, an inscription was added which repeats the deceased’s wish for visitors to pray for him, which again forms one of the key motifs of ancient Egyptian funerary practice: Here doth rest the Lord Alchuine of blessed memory, the Abbot, who died in peace on the 19th of May (804). When you read, all of you, pray for him and say: «The Lord grant unto him eternal rest». Amen. 67 Ireland was the first territory beyond the Roman Empire (see A.M. LUISELLI FADDA , Tradizioni manoscritte e critica del testo del Medioevo germanico, Roma-Bari, 1994, p. 26) that was introduced to Christianity by missionaries, who apparently were not linked with Rome. It was not before the 560s and the mission of St. Columbanus (b. 512) that Ireland faced monasticism loyal to Rome for the first time (D. CHIDESTER, Christianity, Chippenham, 2000, p. 180). A good introduction into the field is given by R. COLLINS, Early Medieval Europe 300-1000, King’s Lynn, 1999, pp. 240ff. 68 LAWRENCE , Medieval Monasticism cit., p. 41. 69 Ibid., p. 42 and most recently B. LUISELLI , La formazione della cultura europea occidentale («Bibliotheca di cultura Romanobarbarica», 7), Roma, 2003, p. 224. 70 There is literary evidence for a strong, but idealised connection between Ireland and ´ Egypt as pointed out e.g. by the Migration of Mıl, see ibid., pp. 95 and 100. 71 Elements of pagan culture were harshly fought especially during the early Christianisation of Europe, see R. KIECKHEFER, Magic in the Middle Ages, Cambridge, 1990, ch. III. 72 BOMMAS, Onophris und Paisis cit. 73 A. H ERMANN , Das Kind und seine Huterin, «Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archaolo¨ ¨ gischen Instituts, Kairo», VIII, 1939, pp. 171 and pl. 27. In the cathedral of the city of Ulm, Southern Germany, the image of the saint Thermut (i.e. [Isis] Thermoutis, pharaonic Renenutet) is accompanied by the inscription: Philia Pharaonis nutrivit infantem forma divinum (i.e. Moses). — 83 —